Saturday, May 27, 2017

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Moderator's Gratitude: Samuel Zalanga

"......and the misguided warriors of parochialism among us will learn from him" (Professor Toyin Falola)

I least expected this type of statement from the moderator.

CAO.

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: CONGRATULATIONS TO UNLIMITED PRAISE FOR "SIR" TOYIN FALOLA & EX-VC MIMIKO!

Dear All:
 
Most certainly, great achievements are like the proverbial cork, which can never be hidden or submerged in any amount of water! Therefore, heartfelt CONGRATULATIONS and UNLIMITED PRAISE are in order for our own "SIR" Toyin Falola and Adekunle Ajasin University's 2010-2015 Vice-Chancellor N . Oluwafemi Mimiko on the recent publication of their two masterpieces: SIR Toyin's 480-page Nigerian Political Modernity and Postcolonial Predicaments (2017); and VC Mimiko's 513-page Getting Our Universities Back on Track: Reflections and Governance Paradigms from My Vice-Chancellorship  (2017).  
 
The two formidable publications have garnered several praise-worthy blurbs from leading scholars and educationists. For example, Lead City University Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences ' ex-Dean Ayo Olukotun has described SIR Toyin's masterpiece as "the overarching manifesto in this well-written and extensively researched work that interrogates the multiple quests for modernity."  VC Mimiko's opus -- which is dedicated to 2009-2017 Ondo State Governor Dr. Olusegun Mimiko -- is described as "a broad narrative on the state of higher education in Nigeria...[which] equates a practice manual for university governance in Nigeria, and arguably beyond."
 
Both recently-published books, which are being eyed for various top literary awards, are also on the priority lists for review in several refereed publications, including 63-year old Africa Today Journal, published by Indiana University Press; and African & Asian Studies Journal of The Netherlands, published by Brill Academic Press of Europe. 
 
A.B. Assensoh.
 

USA Africa Dialogue Series - Documentary: Eyo – Glimpses Behind The Veil by Funmi Iyanda

http://cafeafricana.com/wordpress/eyo-glimpses-behind-the-veil-by-funmi-iyanda/




Funmi Tofowomo Okelola

-In the absence of greatness, mediocrity thrives. 

http://www.cafeafricana.com

On Twitter: @Bookwormlit
https://twitter.com/bookwormlit
Instagram: Aramada_Obirin

Culture, Art History, Film/Cinema, Photography, World Literature, Criminal Justice, Sociology, Child Welfare, Lifestyle & Community. 

USA Africa Dialogue Series - A Short Poem For Child-Labourers

Your plight pieces my heart
Every time I see you
During school hours
Hawking
Goods on streets.

(C) Chidi Anthony Opara

#2017Poetics


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Friday, May 26, 2017

USA Africa Dialogue Series - My Children's Day Message

On this Children's Day, my heart goes out to those Nigerian children who must work to be able to feed.

CAO.


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USA Africa Dialogue Series - STAR INFO: Senate passes petroleum governance bill 14 years after, unbundles NNPC...

SUMMARY

 PIB = Petroleum Industry Bill 

PIB = PIGB: Petroleum Industry Governance Bill

       + PFFB: Petroleum Fiscal Framework Bill

       + PIDAB: Petroleum Industry Downstream Administration Bill

       + PIRMFB: Petroleum Industry Revenue Management Framework Bill

       + PHCB:  Petroleum Host Community Bill.

PIGB:     NNPC  ====================>     NPC: National Petroleum Company 

                                                                                                    and

                           ====================> NPAMC: Nigeria Petroleum Assets Management Company

             PPPRA + DPR + PEF etc. ======>   NPRC:  Nigeria Petroleum Regulatory Commission

"The PIGB, which is the first leg of the 17-year-old Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), which has been broken into five separate bills by the 8th Senate, scraps the NNPC, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the Petroleum Products and Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) and several government agencies in the oil sector and now creates three new entities to oversee activities in the sector. The three new entities are the National Petroleum Company (NPC), the National Petroleum Assets Management Commission (NPAMC) and the Nigeria Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NPRC)......The NPRC would replace and take over the functions of PPPRA and DPR..."

----

"We supported and enhanced the creation of an independent one-stop-shop regulatory agency, which will absorb the present Department of Petroleum Resources, Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency and the Petroleum Equalisation Fund into one agency. "We have streamlined and sharpened the role of the Minister (of Petroleum Resources). We have also enhanced the extensive reform of NNPC into two limited liability companies – the National Petroleum Company and the Nigeria Petroleum Assets Management Company – to ensure efficient and effective commercial performance...."

-----   

"He said the unions expected the passage of other aspects of the PIB, namely, the Petroleum Fiscal Framework Bill; Petroleum Industry Downstream Administration Bill; the Petroleum Industry Revenue Management Framework Bill; and the Petroleum Host Community Bill....."

My People:

Note:  1.  The PIGB has NOT been enacted - just passed by the Senate so far - and hence is NOT law yet.

           2.  Until the other four bills are passed, the original PIB remains an amputee bill.

And there you have it.


Bolaji Aluko


----

-  

THIS DAY

Senate Scraps NNPC, others in New Petroleum Industry Governance Bill

  •  It's promise fulfilled, says Saraki
  •  Crude oil price stabilises at $53 as OPEC extends output cut

Damilola Oyedele, Chineme Okafor, James Emejo, Onyebuchi Ezigbo in Abuja and Ejiofor Alike in Lagos

The ding-dong over a legal regime that would reform and make the petroleum industry more transparent and efficient began a homeward stretch Thursday as the Senate passed the Petroleum Industry Governance Bill (PIGB).

The bill, when concurred to by the House of Representatives and assented to by the president, would institute a new governance structure in the management of the nation's oil industry assets and its manager, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).

The Senate gave the bill its nod on a day crude oil prices dropped $1.24 a barrel to $52.72 before regaining ground at $53.76 as the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and non-OPEC members decided to extend cuts in oil output by nine months to March 2018.

The PIGB, which is the first leg of the 17-year-old Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), which has been broken into five separate bills by the 8th Senate, scraps the NNPC, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the Petroleum Products and Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) and several government agencies in the oil sector and now creates three new entities to oversee activities in the sector.

The three new entities are the National Petroleum Company (NPC), the National Petroleum Assets Management Commission (NPAMC) and the Nigeria Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NPRC).

Under the new governance structure, the NPC would be an integrated oil and gas company, operating as a fully commercial entity that will run like a private company, while the NPAMC would be a single petroleum regulatory commission, which would focus mainly on regulating the industry.

The bill also saddles the commission with the responsibility for health and safety regulations in the industry, and would collaborate with the Ministry of Environment on environmental issues.

The regulatory commission would be funded through a retention of 10 per cent of the revenue it generates for the government of the federation. The expenditure is however subject to appropriation by the National Assembly.

The NPRC would replace and take over the functions of PPPRA and DPR.

The rite of final passage began when the bill was read the third time and the Committee of the Whole considered the Report of the Committee on Petroleum Upstream, Petroleum Downstream and Gas presented by Senator Donald Alasoadura. It then went through the clause-by-clause ritual with minor amendments before it was passed.

"We made a commitment and it's being fulfilled," an elated Senate President Bukola Saraki said, adding: "This bill is not only for Nigerians but for our investors. We are proud of what has been done."

Saraki's excitement is understandable given the fact that the PIB had been with the National Assembly since 2000 but had suffered passage delays because of objections and concerns raised by International Oil Companies (IOCs) who felt threatened by the fiscal regimes proposed by the bill.

The 8th Senate, therefore, decided to split the bill into five, isolating the contentious fiscal issues in separate bills, for easier passage.

However, the PIGB still has another hurdle to overcome as the House of Representatives has a different version before it.

The House of Representatives said Thursday that it did not yet have a specific timeline for the passage of the bill. The deputy spokesman of the House of Representatives, Hon. Gaza Gbefwi, told reporters that the lower chamber was still carefully considering inputs made by local and international stakeholders during a seminar on the bill last year.

The passage got positive reviews from industry stakeholders Thursday describing it as a welcome development that would create a vibrant industry.
Speaking to THISDAY, the Chief Executive Officer of Seplat Petroleum Development Company (SPDC), Mr. Austin Avuru, said the passage of the bill would set the tone on how the oil and gas industry should operate.

"It is a welcome development. That is the governance bill and it sets the tone on how the industry should operate," said Avuru, whose company is listed on both the London and Nigerian Stock Exchanges. He expressed the hope that the lawmakers would also pass the second aspect of the bill that governs the fiscal regime before the end of this year.

Avuru urged the Senate and the House of Representatives to harmonise the different versions of the bill before them.

The Chief Executive Officer of the International Energy Services, Dr. Diran Fawibe, commended the upper chamber for passing the bill.
He said the passage by the Senate would put pressure on the House of Representatives to pass their own version for both chambers to harmonise the bill for the benefit of Nigeria.

"We have to commend the Senate for taking the right step in the right direction. That is what is expected of the upper chamber because the bill has been languishing in the National Assembly for over 10 years," he said.

The All Progressives Congress (APC) commended the Senate on the passage of the bill.
"We are very excited that the bill was passed today after about 12 years delay. We specially commend the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, for his focused leadership of the 8th Senate, which has produced several legislative actions that have positively affected the lives of Nigerians, promoted good governance and advanced on-going efforts by the APC-led administration to rebuild the country," the party said in a statement Thursday by its National Publicity Secretary, Malam Bolaji Abdullahi.

"The passage of the bill is an indication that our federal legislators are diligent and reform-minded, and are committed to fulfilling the promises our party made to Nigerians," he said, calling on the House of Representatives to follow the example of the Senate by also promptly passing the bill.

Crude Oil Price Stabilises at $53

Meanwhile, crude oil price Thursday dropped $1.24 a barrel to $52.72 before peaking at $53.76 as OPEC and non-OPEC member countries decided to extend cuts in oil output by nine months until March 2018.

While the global benchmark, Brent crude oil traded at $53.76, the US light crude traded at $51.16 per barrel.
Non-OPEC oil producers led by Russia agreed Thursday to join OPEC in extending production cuts for nine months until March 2018, Reuters quoted OPEC delegates as saying.

The combined cap on oil output for the OPEC and non-members was agreed at around 1.8 million barrels per day.
The next OPEC and non-OPEC meeting is scheduled for November 30, 2017, delegates said.

Reuters reported that the cuts are likely to be shared again by a dozen non-members led by top oil producer Russia, which reduced output in tandem with the oil cartel from January.

OPEC's cuts have helped to push oil back above $50 a barrel this year, giving a fiscal boost to producers, many of which rely heavily on energy revenues and have had to burn through foreign-currency reserves to plug holes in their budgets.

Crude oil's earlier price decline, which started in 2014, forced Russia and Saudi Arabia to tighten their belts and led to unrest in some producing countries including Venezuela and Nigeria.

The price rise this year has spurred growth in the U.S. shale industry, which is not participating in the output deal, thus slowing the market's rebalancing with global crude stocks still near record highs.

OPEC oil ministers were continuing their discussions in Vienna as at press time Thursday after three hours of talks.
Non-OPEC producers were scheduled to meet OPEC later in the day.

In December, OPEC agreed its first production cuts in a decade and the first joint cuts with non-OPEC members, led by Russia in 15 years. The two sides decided to remove about 1.8 million barrels per day from the market in the first half of 2017, equal to 2 per cent of global production.

Despite the output cut, OPEC kept exports fairly stable in the first half of 2017 as its members sold oil from stocks.

The move kept global oil stockpiles near record highs, forcing OPEC first to suggest extending cuts by six months, but later proposing to prolong them by nine months and Russia offering an unusually long duration of 12 months.

"There have been suggestions (of deeper cuts), many member countries have indicated flexibility but … that won't be necessary," Saudi Energy Minister Khalid al-Falih said before the meeting.

Falih also said Saudi oil exports were set to decline steeply from June, thus helping to speed up market rebalancing.
OPEC sources have said meeting would highlight a need for long-term cooperation with non-OPEC producers.

The group could also send a message to the market that it will seek to curtail its oil exports.

"Russia has an upcoming election and Saudis have the Aramco share listing next year so they will indeed do whatever it takes to support oil prices," said Gary Ross, head of global oil at PIRA Energy, a unit of S&P Global Platts.

OPEC has a self-imposed goal of bringing stocks down from a record high of 3 billion barrels to their five-year average of 2.7 billion.
"We have seen a substantial drawdown in inventories that will be accelerated," Falih said. "Then, the fourth quarter will get us to where we want."

-------------------- 

PUNCH

UPDATED: Senate passes PIGB, unbundles NNPC

Leke Baiyewu, Abuja
The Senate, on Thursday, passed the Petroleum Industry Governance Bill, which seeks to unbundle the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation and merged its subsidiaries into an entity.

This was part of the recommendations in the report by the Joint Committee on Petroleum (Upstream, Downstream and Gas) on the PIGB, which was adopted by the Senate at the plenary on Wednesday.

While presenting the report, the Chairman, Senate Committee on Petroleum (Upstream), who is also Chairman of the Joint Committee on Petroleum, Senator Tayo Alasoadura, said some subsidiaries of the NNPC had also been merged into an entity to be known as the Nigeria Petroleum Regulatory Commission.


He said, "Our report proposes a slim, focused yet robust framework for effective institutional governance of the Nigeria petroleum industry. We supported and enhanced the creation of an independent one-stop-shop regulatory agency, which will absorb the present Department of Petroleum Resources, Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency and the Petroleum Equalisation Fund into one agency.

"We have streamlined and sharpened the role of the Minister (of Petroleum Resources). We have also enhanced the extensive reform of NNPC into two limited liability companies – the National Petroleum Company and the Nigeria Petroleum Assets Management Company – to ensure efficient and effective commercial performance.

"In carrying out our assignment we have ensured that the major lapses associated with prior institutional frameworks have been remedied."

----------------------------------- 

PUNCH

Senate passes petroleum governance bill 14 years after …APC, NUPENG, PENGASSAN hail passage

John Ameh, John Alechenu, Leke Baiyewu and 'Femi Asu

The Senate on Thursday passed the Petroleum Industry Governance Bill, which seeks to unbundle the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation and merged its subsidiaries into a single entity.

The passage of the bill came 14 years after the original Petroleum Industry Bill was drafted and submitted to the National Assembly.

The PIGB, formerly known as the Petroleum Industry Bill, had suffered setbacks since 2003 when it was first sent to the National Assembly.

This was part of the recommendations in the report by the Joint Committee on Petroleum (Upstream, Downstream and Gas) on the PIGB, which was adopted by the Senate at the plenary on Wednesday.

While presenting the report, the Chairman of the committee, who is also the Chairman of the Joint Committee on Petroleum, Senator Tayo Alasoadura, said some subsidiaries of the NNPC had also been merged into an entity to be known as the Nigeria Petroleum Regulatory Commission.

President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki, who presided over the plenary, said the bill had been in the National Assembly "for many years and we have not been able to pass it."

He added that a commitment was made at the beginning of the eigth Senate that the bill would be passed.

Saraki said, "This is a bill that not only Nigeria, but our friends and investors in the petroleum sector have been waiting for us to put a framework that will ensure transparency and accountability, and create an enabling environment for the petroleum sector to stimulate growth in the sector.

"We hope that by what we have done today, we will continue to show the kind of commitment and leadership and contribution to develop this country. We are proud of what we have all done today. We gave the commitment and we have passed this bill. It had not been possible for many years but we have done it now.

"I hope that with this bill, the oil and gas industry will begin to see the new kind of investments that is necessary. We will plug the loopholes; we will be able to reduce the areas of corruption and inefficiency; our people will be able to benefit better in the petroleum sector and Nigerians will be better for it."

The proposed NPRC is expected to be a one-stop-shop in the petroleum industry. It will also be allowed to retain 10 per cent of the revenue it generates as the cost of collection.

The proposed entity will be saddled with the responsibility of promoting efficient, effective, safe and sustainable infrastructural development of the industry, while ensuring compliance with all applicable laws and regulations governing the sector.

The commission will also be in charge of implementation and maintenance of technical standards, codes and specifications in the industry in line with global best practices.

On December 7, 2016, at the public hearing held on the bill, the NNPC and workers in the oil industry had differed on the proposal to unbundle the corporation.

A proposal to amend the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Act, 2004, failed on the floor of the House of Representatives on Thursday as members rejected it.

The bill, which sought to "enhance financial and fiscal discipline in the conduct of transactions by the NNPC" was sponsored by a member from Imo State, Mr. Nnana Igbokwe.

Igbokwe sought to amend the extant law of the oil corporation to make a provision that the NNPC should submit its budgetary estimates for next year to the President four months to the expiration of the current financial year.

He said his intention was to bring the NNPC to act in line with a similar provision of the Fiscal Responsibility Act, 2007.

However, members opposed the proposed amendment on the grounds that it was in conflict with the FR Act, a more recent law that set the timeline on how estimates should be presented to the National Assembly.

Incidentally, it was the Speaker, Mr. Yakubu Dogara, who led the opposition.

Dogara observed that Igbokwe's proposal would mean a repetition of a provision already adequately captured by the FR Act.

He also pointed out that the NNPC was one of the 39 agencies listed under the FR Act, which were required to attach their budgets to the national budget for onward transmission to the National Assembly by the President.

Dogara noted that the amendment could only be worth the effort if the laws setting up all the other agencies were amended as well.

Igbokwe alluded to the absence of the PIGB when he said he proposed the amendment in the interim, while the passage of the PIGB was being awaited.

When asked to explain the delay in the passage of the PIGB, the Deputy Chairman, House Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Mr. Gaza Jonathan, said the House was still working on it.

He stated, "We pay due respect to best practices. What we are doing is to pass a bill that will stand the test of time. We have held a world class seminar on the PIGB, where the views of Nigerians and experts were collated.

"We are working on those views to ensure that we have a realistic PIGB in operation when it is passed."

Jonathan refused to give a specific date when the bill would be passed.

Meanwhile, the All Progressives Congress has commended the Senate for passing the Petroleum Industry Governance Bill, describing the development as historic.

The party said the bill had sought to introduce reforms that would ensure greater transparency and accountability in the Nigerian oil and gas industry.

The National Publicity Secretary, APC, Bolaji Abdullahi, said this in a statement in Abuja on Thursday.

He said, "The party notes that the bill had languished in the various chambers of the National Assembly for about 12 years, but it took the purposeful and dedicated APC-led Senate to pass the bill.

"We are very excited that the bill was passed today after about 12 years' delay. We specially commend the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, for his focused leadership of the 8th Senate, which has produced several legislative actions that have positively affected the lives of Nigerians, promoted good governance and advanced ongoing efforts by the APC-led administration to rebuild the country.

"The passage of the bill is an indication that our federal legislators are diligent and reform-minded, and are committed to fulfilling the promises our party made to Nigerians."

According to the statement, the party urged the Yakubu Dogara-led House of Representatives to follow the example set by the Senate by also promptly passing the PIGB.

The APC urged Nigerians to continue to support and cooperate with the President Muhammadu Buhari administration and the National Assembly as they continue to make laws and execute projects to improve the well-being of the citizens.

The Nigerian Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria have commended the Senate for the passage of the PIGB.

The PIGB is one of the parts in which the long-delayed Petroleum Industry Bill was split into after it suffered setbacks in two consecutive legislative tenures.

The PIB seeks to overhaul the nation's oil and gas industry, which has been hobbled by corruption and mismanagement for decades.

The Chairman, NUPENG and PENGASSAN Petroleum Industry Bill Committee, Mr. Chika Onuegbu, said in a statement, "This is indeed a milestone achievement, especially when you consider that the PIGB is not an Executive Bill.

"Also, when you consider that Nigeria has lost over N235bn due to its inability to pass the Petroleum Industry Bill into law since the reform in the Nigerian petroleum industry was kick-started 17 years ago.

"We, therefore, look forward to the concurrent passage of the PIGB into law by the House of Representatives and also eventual assent by the President of Nigeria."

He said the unions expected the passage of other aspects of the PIB, namely, the Petroleum Fiscal Framework Bill; Petroleum Industry Downstream Administration Bill; the Petroleum Industry Revenue Management Framework Bill; and the Petroleum Host Community Bill.

Onuegbu said, "The passage of the PIGB, while commendable, will not deliver the full benefits of the intended reforms except the other aspects of the PIB are also legislated."

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Photonews: Rivers State Golden Jubilee Celebration

Link:
http://chidioparareports.blogspot.com.ng/2017/05/photonews-rivers-state-golden-jubilee_26.html

From chidi opara reports


chidi opara reports is published as a social service by PublicInformationProjects

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SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Speech: Reflections And Hopes On Biafra

8. At the end of the war, in spite of a policy of no victor no vanquished by the Government of General Yakubu Gowon, an unconscionable policy of impoverishment of Biafrans was unleashed by the federal government. Every bank deposit of Biafrans that had encountered a transaction whether by deposit or withdrawal was reduced to £20. Massive savings were completely wiped out -Chief John Nnia Nwodo.


The cold fact which this Ohaneze Ndigbo, John Nnia Nwodo, and his cohorts have refused to recognise is that all Bank transactions in Biafra were illegal and of no value in Nigeria at the end of the war. No Igbo person who had bank account in Nigeria at the end of the war had his/her deposit reduced to £20. The £20 was a social benefit created for every Igbo that wanted it and it is totally dishonest to interpret it as a substitute or an exchange for Biafran bank deposit and regardless of the amount in the account. The Biafran Major General Philip Effiong was asked by the Drum Magazine of April 1970, "What do you suggest the Government should do about the rebel currency?" General Efiong answered, "It is not the fault of the ordinary people of the East Central State that they have what used to be known as Biafran currency. The people had no choice. Something must be done so that the ordinary man should not suffer. ...//... Even if you gave a man who lost £100 a mere £10 then he would appreciate that the Government cares for him (p. 312-313, Nigeria and Biafra: My Story By Philip Effiong)." It is noteworthy that the East Central State referred to by Effiong contains today's Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo States.

S. Kadiri


 




Från: 'chidi opara reports' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com>
Skickat: den 26 maj 2017 09:05
Till: igboworldforum@yahoogroups.com; nigerianid@yahoogroups.com; nigerianworldforum@yahoogroups.com; naijaobserver@yahoogroups.com
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Ämne: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Speech: Reflections And Hopes On Biafra
 
Link:
http://chidioparareports.blogspot.com.ng/2017/05/speech-reflections-and-hopes-on-biafra.html




From chidi opara reports


chidi opara reports is published as a social service by PublicInformationProjects

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Three Nigerians, 235 Years Prison Sentence in Mississippi

SV: USA Africa Dialogue Series - God's wonderful world

Cornelius We-Sweden,


Who needs to insinuate when the glaring facts are there for anyone to stare at. The story began on August 20, 2010 when two women walked into the police station at the southern part of Stockholm and reported that Julian Assange had subjected them to encroachment, separately, at different time. Thus, the prosecutor declared him wanted, beside remanding him in custody in his absence for suspected rape. On 21 August 2010, the District Prosecutor, withdrew the accusation of rape while retaining the suspicion of molest. On 30 August 2010, Assange was present at the police station in Stockholm for interrogation. He admitted visiting the pussy of the two women which he claimed was mutually agreed upon and amicably perpetrated by the parties involved. He denied crime. As there was no other evidence than the words of the two women against Assange's words, the District Prosecutor could not establish a crime case. Thus, he did not apprehend Assange who left Sweden for UK.


On September 1, 2010, the Public Prosecutor overruled the District Prosecutor's decision and re-opened investigations against Assange for rape, sexual duress and harassment.


On November 18, 2010, the Public Prosecutor requested Stockholm Magistrate court to remand Assange in custody, and in absentia and it was granted. Therefore he was declared wanted internationally by the Swedish police.  


7 December 2010, the British Police arrested Assange in London and after about a week, he was released on bail.


24 February 2011, a High Court in London decided that  Assange should be extradited to Sweden for interrogation but Assange appealed against the decision on the ground that hs interrogation could be held in London by the Swedish prosecutor or police.


14 June 2012, the Privy Council in London dismissed Assange's appeal against extradition to Sweden.


Fearing that the main reason why he was being accused of rape and wanting him for interrogation in Sweden was to send him to the US for his wikileak activities, Assange sought political asylum at the Embassy of Ecuador on 19 June 2012, and it was granted on 16 August 2012. 


On 16 June 2014, Stockholm's Magistrate Court extended the decision to remand Assange in custody, in absentia.


5 February 2016, a UN-group declared that Assange was being arbitrarily detained and demanded for his immediate freedom.


14-15 November 2016, Assange was interrogated by the Swedish Prosecutor at the Ecuadorian Embassy in London.


On 3 May 2017, Assange's Swedish lawyer requested Stockholm Magistrate Court to revoke detention order on his client.


19 May 2017, the prosecutor requested the Court to revoke the detention order on Julian Assange.


Following the above chronicle of events, the prosecutor in Sweden only agreed to interrogate Assange at the Embassy of Ecuador in London, after Hillary had lost the Presidential election. If the purpose of interrogation was to establish if a crime had been committed or not, why did the Swedish Prosecutor refuse to interrogate him in London by demanding that he should come to Sweden? I don't think the Swedish conscience will permit a process that will end up handing over Julian Assange to Emperor Trump and that is the main reason for the discontinuation of the case.

S. Kadiri



 




Från: usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com <usaafricadialogue@googlegroups.com> för Cornelius Hamelberg <corneliushamelberg@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 25 maj 2017 16:21
Till: USA Africa Dialogue Series
Ämne: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - God's wonderful world
 

Ogbeni Kadiri,


Strange is this world.

Are you insinuating that wikileaks in some small measure contributed to Trump's victory and that it's time to claim the reward : on direct orders from the king of America, the Swedish authorities now understand that it was time to close the case? Or was the case about to be proscribed anyway?

Since 16 August 2012 the cherub however, is still holed up in Ecuador's embassy in London and it seems that he dare not exit through the front or the back door, for fear of being arrested - on the spot.

Let's face it, wikileaks has done a lot of havoc - for instance leaking this unsavoury piece of treachery ...

There are so many conspiracy theories about the women who accused Assange of rape - that they are known CIA agents etc. - and that when it boils down to word against word (two against one) plus the his signature spermicidal evidence - as in the case Clinton - Lewinsky (no denying the drop shot by either lying Bill or lying Hillary)

Maybe, those of us living in Sweden are a bit biased, since we know how difficult it could be for Assange to prove that it was not all done with loving mutual consent - for enjoyment....when the woman/ women decide to say that you used a little too much force or ignored her request that you wear your raincoat - at which point - with his pants down Black man sey, " NO! me like it raw!Natural!"

I have been mostly following the case through the prism of Porter's Pensées

 We will never know, but my gut answer to your question is that if the wacky old witch had won, she would have wasted no time by jumping on poor Julian immediately , " to bring himto Justice"

On Wednesday, 24 May 2017 16:17:10 UTC+2, ogunlakaiye wrote:

Cornelius,

In this man-made world, do you think Julian Assange's case would have been written off if Hilary Clinton had won the last US presidential election?

S. Kadiri
 




Från: usaafric...@googlegroups.com <usaafric...@googlegroups.com> för Cornelius Hamelberg <cornelius...@gmail.com>
Skickat: den 19 maj 2017 19:55
Till: USAAfric...@googlegroups.com
Ämne: USA Africa Dialogue Series - God's wonderful world
 

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USA Africa Dialogue Series - Fw: fifty years of Biafra


FIFTY YEARS OF BIAFRA

BY

Anthony Akinola*


The Nigerian Civil War broke out soon after the State of Biafra was declared in May 1967 and ended very early in 1970,the year Nnamadi Kanu of the current Indigenous People of Biafra was born. Most Nigerians, including those  far away from the war fronts,were traumatized by its effect as hundreds of thousands of lives were lost.Those who lost loved ones may never be able to get over their losses, but the wheel of progress must not forever be clogged because of a very sad episode in history. Many nations have had their own experiences and moved on to achieve greatness.A just and fair Nigerian nation would have done just that-we must not give up.

 

The Civil War of 1967-70 can hardly be discussed in isolation. Understanding it entails an excursion into the history of our great nation. Its remote causes can therefore be summarised as emanating from the very nature of our colonial-imposed federalism as well as the colonial masters' legacy of divide and rule. Suffice it to say that the creation of Nigeria was designed, first and foremost, to serve the interests of the colonial masters. The federation bequeathed to Nigerians was lopsided, with political power skewing heavily in favour of the North to the detriment of the then southern regions, Eastern and Western. The colonial approach to education and religion could hardly be described as an effort directed at promoting unity in a nation of diverse languages and culture.

 

The immediate causes of the war derived from the aforementioned factors, as post-independence history was a history of the south attempting to challenge a structure that impeded progress as well as the political ambitions of its key leaders. The North, based on its population, agitated for, and successfully got, 50% of representation at the Federal House of Representatives during the Ibadan Constitutional Conference of 1950. This was not without opposition from politicians of the Western Region but the North got its way with support from those of the Eastern Region. That co-operation between the North and East more or less heralded an opportunistic alliance of their main political parties beyond independence in 1960.

 

However, the south continued to challenge what had constituted northern primacy in politics resulting in a succession of crises. The census crisis of 1962-3 and the contentious federal election of 1964 saw an otherwise divided south singing in unison. It would be naïve to assume that the feelings of ethnic politicians did not influence the thinking of soldiers, no matter what their pretensions to patriotism and non-partisanship, and this was what came into fore on 15 January 1966 when a bloody coup-attempt terminated our teething experiment at democratic politics. The soldiers struck on the background of a comical election that had produced a hitherto unprecedented violence in the Western Region in 1965.

 

The coupists, comprised mainly of soldiers from the Igbo-dominated Eastern Region, claimed to have acted in the national interest. What, however, did not seem to have been in the national interest was the pattern which the execution of their coup took. The key politicians and soldiers killed were northerners and notable southern "collaborators". The "cleansing" exercise did not claim any Igbo casualty of prominence. The coup itself could not be described as successful, hijacked as it was by senior officers who were hardly party to it. The subsequent leadership of Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, did not help matters with his Decree No 34 of 25 May 1966 which transformed federal Nigeria into a unitary state.

 

Behind in Western education and commerce, the north saw unitarism as an orchestrated attempt to undo its peoples in the Civil Service and economic sectors of society. Coupled with failure to bring the coupists to trial, Ironsi's unitary decree would be considered a catalyst to the counter-coup of July 1966 – "the northern reply" – which claimed the lives of many Igbo officers and men, including General Aguiyi-Ironsi himself. This was soon followed by a massive killing of Igbo residents in the North.

 

The display of dead bodies and mutilated limbs arriving in the East from the North meant that emotions and anger could hardly be controlled. War had become inevitable. There were quite a number of other elements in the decision to go to war and this included the refusal of the then Lt. Col. Odumegwu-Ojukwu, Military Governor of the East, to accept the authority of General Yakubu Gowon,said to be his junior by enrollment in the military, as Head of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. The agreement reached at the Aburi meeting - a confederal arrangement, for instance - favoured the demands of the secessionists but would later be reneged upon by the federal authorities once its implications became glaring. Emeka Ojukwu would appear to have "outsmarted" his colleagues.

 

Of course, the war cannot be explained without reference to the then newly-discovered oil in the Eastern Region. It assured "Biafra" as a project that could be economically sustained. It was also because of oil that the major powers were neither spectators nor pacifists in the Nigerian "fratricidal" conflict. They were more interested in having access to the oil than in bothering with the number of Nigerians killed!

 

General Gowon rightly declared that there was "no victor and no vanquished" in the conclusion of a war for which we were all to be blamed. His historical rival, Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, would seem to have embraced this philosophy as he warmly re-integrated himself into the Nigerian society,competing for the presidency as well as collecting his pension from the military.Therefore, any attempt by any ideologue to invoke the break-up of Nigeria does not, in my own assumption, represent the spirit of the great Nigerian nationalist, Dim Emeka Odmegwu-Ojukwu of illustrious memory.


*Anthony Akinola writes from Oxford, UK.

USA Africa Dialogue Series - TOFAC 2017 CONFERENCE ³Education and Africa¹s Transformation²

TOFAC 2017 CONFERENCE

 

CFP "Education and Africa's Transformation"

 

Venue: Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo, Nigeria

 

Monday, July 3 to Wednesday July 5, 2017 (Arrrival Sunday, 2 July, 2017, departure July 6th)

 

DESCRIPTION

Education in Africa has remained perpetually under intense focus due to the unrelenting crises in the sector occasioned by its incapacities, inefficiencies, contradictions, inequalities and inequities and a general failure to advance the vision of the African people for a better future. The optimism that greeted political independence for the possibility of an African primacy in global leadership has largely been stymied by the failure of development to take off on an upward trajectory, signaled especially by the inability of education to address the continent's development challenges. From Cairo to the Cape, the symptoms of these crises are multifaceted and hydra-headed. Today, nearly 50 percent of Africans are under the age of 15, but of Africa's population of nearly 128 million school age children, up to 17 million will never attend school, while another 37 million will be "in school but not learning." The Brookings Institution further estimates that in countries such as Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Zambia, more than 50 percent of children finish primary school without learning the basic skills that they need to learn at that age. A whopping 61 million children, almost half of sub-Saharan Africa's school age population, arrive at adolescence without the skills to lead productive lives, thereby constituting a permanent deficit to the continent's development aspirations. In spite of soaring unemployment continent-wide and the weak potential of technical and vocational educational and training to attenuate this problem, UNESCO/World Bank figures indicate that this constituted only about 6 percent of secondary school enrollment in 2012. Although enrollment in higher education institutions more than doubled in Africa between 2000 and 2010, this accounts for only 6 percent of African young people, compared to the global average of 26 percent. Startlingly, UNESCO and World Bank calculations show that a one-year increase in average tertiary education levels would raise annual GDP growth in Africa by 0.39 percentage points, and eventually yield up to a 12 percent increase in per capita GDP. But no nation can rise above the quality and the quantity of its teachers, and virtually all the African countries gained independence with neither a pool of well-trained teachers nor adequate teachers' training colleges and universities. The colonial education policy was simply to provide a pool of indigenous second-class assistants to the colonial officials. The relationship between education and economic growth, robust development, and the expected transformation of Africa is thus established in consideration of all the above variables.

The aim of this conference is to review all the history and different facets of education in Africa, from past to present. The education of each era will be related to the context that it served. Participants will look at the markers and boundaries as each era changes, disintegrates and new agencies of change emerge. The idea is to see education as a key transformational agency, with the capacity to affect the superstructure and philosophical orientations around which the development of any nation stands. The foundation of modern society is related to the revolution in education. For instance, the era of the Enlightenment in Europe resulted in dramatic changes in how politics, economy and the society in general were organized. In contemporary times, advancements in science and technology have constituted a defining distinction between developed and less developed regions of the world. Pre-colonial Africa had a rich heritage in education that was enshrined in the highly sophisticated indigenous knowledge systems of the peoples of the continent. From the citadel of knowledge in Timbuktu, Mali to the great power house of learning in ancient Egypt, Africa was home to centers of knowledge that helped shape the civilization of that era. Each African society's education system consisted of complex knowledge bases that served to sustain and develop African civilizations. These education systems reflected the capacity building of empires like the Yoruba and Kongo and the sustainability of decentralized systems like the Hausa City-States and Massai. However, with imperialism and colonization, Africa was recreated in the image of the colonialists. One of the ways through which this was done was the marginalization and in many instances the destruction of the indigenous knowledge systems and their replacement with the colonial ones. Consequently, from the late 19th century, education in Africa was designed to reflect the character of the colonialists both in language and in the content of learning. In essence, educational institutions were created to train Africans who will both work for and defend the interests of the colonialists. Paradoxically, more than five decades after gaining political independence, education in Africa continues to reflect the structure and content of the colonial system. This can be seen especially in the continuity of colonial languages of instruction and in the maintenance of curricula which speak more to the needs of the colonialists than the present realities in Africa. Can there be paradigm shifts?

Scholars have argued that one of the main challenges militating against the transformation of Africa is the content and character of the educational system bequeathed to the continent by the departed colonialists. Can we rethink the system?

Others have equally argued that the journey to transformation in Africa will remain an illusion until indigenous knowledge systems become part and parcel of the design, implementation and application of education on the continent. How can we make the indigenous relevant again? Furthermore, who is responsible for the transformation of education in Africa? South African students have taken their future in their own hands with the #FeesMustFall movement. On the other extreme, big donor organizations from outside the continent such as the Carnegie Corporation have intervened in the continent's educational landscape. Increasingly special interests compete to establish private schools across Africa. These secular schools such as Chinese business and language schools, and parochial schools such as those by Evangelical and Islamic organizations, are quickly multiplying to meet these investors' economic or social agendas. What roles should teachers, governments, and parents amongst others play in the transformation of the continent through education? This conference will also seek particularly to explore trends, intersections, and links among the various variables that determine educational advancement and its transformatory potentials on the continent. Given the low level of development and the marginal position that Africa continues to occupy in the global arena, transformation remains pertinent. The role of quality education in achieving this objective is even more compelling. What forms and modes of education can produce the much needed transformation? Are there success stories in education transformation on the continent? Can we find lessons learnt that are applicable in a context-sensitive manner? Comparative analyses are particularly welcome, and papers that pay close attention to proffering policy and practice based solutions are encouraged.

 

This Conference on Education and Africa's Transformation will provide a platform for scholars in Africa and beyond to engage with various aspects of education and its links to transformation in Africa.

 

Papers, which speak to one or more of the following topics within bigger themes, are invited:

 

1.    Decolonization of Education in Africa

a.    Pre-colonial education in Africa

b.    Education during colonial systems

c.     Indigenous knowledge systems (including technology) and transformation in Africa

d.    Language and education

e.    Culture, religion and education

f.      Decolonization of education and social transformation in Africa

2.    Education for Development: Philosophy, Theory and Practice

a.    Theoretical issues in education and development

b.    Curricula matters and the search for transformation in Africa

c.     Pedagogy of teaching and education in Africa

d.    Interdisciplinary studies and education in Africa

e.    Teacher education and transformation in Africa

f.      Ethical issues in education

g.    Student-teacher relations

h.    Assessments of education quality

i.      Academic freedom

j.      Teacher-student dynamics in African education

k.    Philosophy of Education and Education Paradigms

3.    Relevant Education for Integrated Global and National Interests

a.    Local relevance and global competitiveness of programs

b.    Globalization and educational transformation in Africa 

c.     Education and technological transformation

d.    Vocational and technical education and training (VTET) and Africa's transformation

e.    The diaspora and Africa's educational transformation

f.      STEM education and Africa's transformation

g.    Education and teaching methods

h.    The state of education

i.      Language education

j.      Education in Africa and teaching methods

4.    Development and Politics of Education

a.    The state and education in Africa

b.    Impact of conflict and wars on education

c.     Education and the quality of political leadership in Africa

d.    Crises: Cultism, student insurrections, and the academic staff unionism

 

5.    Funding Education in Africa: Public-Private-Parent Partnerships

a.    Financing education in Africa from a historical perspective

b.    Funding and education in Africa

c.     Role of development agencies

d.    The growing trends in private secondary and tertiary education in Africa

e.    Polygamy: The role of Polygyny and Polyandry in education of Africans

f.     National budgeting for education and the transformation of Africa

6.    Education and Development Planning

a.    Comprehensive revision of educational programs

b.    Regional/Comparative analysis of education

c.    The roles of national, state and local governments in education

d.    Infrastructure and education

e.    Role of education research in social transformation

f.     Education and planning

g.    Education and Africa's economic growth

h.    Basic/Primary education and Africa's transformation

i.      Secondary education and Africa's transformation

j.      Tertiary education and Africa's transformation

k.    Interdependencies of education and the library systems

l.      Philosophy of Education and Education Paradigms in Africa

7.    Democracy, Political Development and Education

a.    Democratizing education in Africa

b.    Politicizing education in Africa

c.    Teacher/Academic staff unions and the transformation of Africa

d.    Education inequalities

e.    Continuous education and professional development

f.     Major African scholars of education and educationists (e.g., Babs Fafunwa, Toyin Falola, Emmanuel Yoloye) and educational transformation

8.    Education for Empowerment and Employment

a.    Technology, education and transformation in Africa

b.    Employability of University products

c.    Education, employment and job creation issues

d.    Education and entrepreneurship

e.    Education and youth empowerment

f.     The humanities and Africa's transformation

9.      Education as Human Rights

a.    Education as human rights

b.    The Sustainable Development Goals and the right to education

c.    Educating the girl-child

d.    Gender issues in education

e.    Adult education

f.     Sexuality and education

g.    Children's health and education outcomes in Africa

h.    Disability and education in Africa

i.      Poverty of education

j.      Education of poverty

 

 

 Information

The conference will take place from July 3-5, 2017 Arrival is Sunday, July 2, 2017 and Final Departure is Thursday, July 6, 2017

 

Prospective authors are invited to submit an abstract of 250 words on any of the themes stated above, as well as in related areas mutually agreeable with the organizers. Authors whose papers are accepted will be informed of further details about the conference. 

Abstracts should be received by May 1st 2017, while full papers are due immediately after the conference by August 30, 2017. Authors of abstracts that are accepted will pay a conference fee of N10,000 in Nigeria, and $150 if based in Europe or the United States. This non-refundable fee covers cost of conference bags, a dinner, and light refreshments.

 

Abstracts should be sent to the following email addresses:

samakrose@yahoo.com

shina73_1999@yahoo.com

 

Registration Fee: Upon acceptance of Abstract, a mandatory, non-refundable registration fee of:

 Participants from Nigeria: Ten thousand Naira (N10, 000)

Postgraduates from Nigeria: N4,000; from other African countries: $60.00

Participants from other African countries, USA, Europe and Asia: $100

 The registration fee covers conference bag, tag, note pads, pens, lunch and tea/coffee break throughout the conference duration.

 

 

Hotel rates & relevant information on Accommodation and Airport pick up will be supplied by the Logistic unit of the LOC in due course.

 

Outcomes

• The conference papers after presentation  and duly corrected by their authors will be peer-reviewed, and published by major international publishers.  

 

CHIEF HOST: Professor Koya Ogen, Provost, Adeyemi College of Education, Ondo, Nigeria.

 

All Enquries to be directed to: 

 

Chair, LOC

 

Dr Samuel Akintunde

Deputy Provost, ACE

samakrose@yahoo.com

07033204788

Toyin Falola
Department of History
The University of Texas at Austin
104 Inner Campus Drive
Austin, TX 78712-0220
USA
512 475 7224
512 475 7222 (fax)

 
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